Islamic Law + coursework

Child Custody and the Best Interests Principle in Islamic, Pakistani and Malaysian Law

Samuel Briggs

July 10, 2026
Feminist jurisprudence has critically examined how the nature of law, legal institutions, courts, and positive laws uphold, validate, or oppose inequality, bias, discrimination and hierarchies due to gender.  Recognizing that legal institutions have traditionally marginalized and paid no heed to the rights and interests of women regardless of official assertions of impartiality has been crucial to the formation of the legal philosophy of feminism. The issue is whether equality is the true objective of feminism or not.  This constitutes as a frequently contested topic in the feministic legal theory. The idea of equality is not entirely undisputed, even though it has surely served as an inspiration for numerous feminist thinkers and public figures.  Although certain schools of feminism contend that only mere equality is not adequate, in addressing the more fundamental underlying mechanisms of patriarchal authority to offset the years of negligence that women have faced under the legislation, others advocate for transformational objectives like liberty, integrity and the acceptance of fundamental differences between the genders.  By analysing several schools of feminism, assessing both theoretical and practical solutions to equality as well as reviewing alternate perspectives under the ideologies of femism, this work examines if equality is indeed the primary objective of feminism as a whole. The essay explores the development of feminist thought and its various perspectives and schools of thought, and how these have advanced our understanding of gender equality. The focus of the essay is how feminist thought has increased our understanding and led to real world change in providing substantive (and not merely formal) equality between men and women. It has done so through advocacy, positive action, policy reform, and above all critical deconstruction of inherent patriarchal and structural bias and discrimination against women. Radical feminist thought will be explicated first then focusing on liberal and cultural feminism.

From the first wave of feminism, gender equality has stood at the heart of feminism.  The concept of equality served as the foundation of the initial feministic waves that sought rights such the rights of women to vote, possess land, and even employment.  liberal feminism has placed a high priority on achieving official gender equality, contending that women ought to be given the identical legal privileges, prospects, and security as as those given to men under the law. This movement of feminism has been greatly shaped by traditional liberal thought and the theories of philosopher like Mill, Locke, and so on.  Using equal opportunity provisions and rights-based models, legal feminists like the former lawyer and jurist Ginsburg, have deliberately utilized court proceedings in order to advocate for the abolition of legislation that biased against women. Equality is still an effective instrument in the feministic movement regardless of these ideological disagreements. Famous cases like the American court decisions of S v Makwanyane  as well as Brown v. Board of Education  demonstrated how equality driven reasoning may lead to significant societal and constitutional changes. Nevertheless, changes within government or any organisation does not come easy have equality principles may face some opposition.  Courts may have a limited interpretation of equality, favouring formal rather than substantive methods. Furthermore, in order to get legal recourse, people frequently have to fit into legal frameworks and classifications that might not accurately represent what they have actually experienced. 

Major legal breakthroughs have been influenced by this emphasis on fairness and equality, owing to feminism movements.  Efforts to formally establish equality between men and women are evident in family legislation amendments, equal wage laws, and in legislation against discrimination.  Articles 14 of the ECHR and CEDAW are two examples of legislation that highlight the importance of equal treatment in international as well as domestic law. According to this viewpoint, equal treatment serves as a means to remedy the evident unfair treatment faced by women and to achieve legal as well as social justice and equality.  Radical feminism offers more intensive analysis of problems with formal legal equality that liberal feminism advocated and champions over the decades, which can be termed as the mainstream school of though still today. As the primary objective of legal theories, radical feminism is likely an especially thorough criticism of equality. Dworkin  and MacKinnon have argued that legislation is a by-product of masculinity and cannot provide true equality. Specifically, MacKinnon contends that the presumptions, framework, and content of the legal system are all masculine in essence. Gender-specific power dynamics are concealed by the legal system's purported impartiality. 

Legal equality whether its substantive or formal, is not simply insufficient but also possibly dangerous as it validates a legal system that upholds the rule of men. In her criticism of sexual misconduct laws, for instance, she argues that sexual misconduct is a systemic manifestation of male authority rather than an anomaly.  As a result, trying to address it using current legal frameworks can actually strengthen misogyny rather than weaken it. The law and legal language are inherently biased in favour of men. The legal standards and tests adopt male-norms and values, such as rationality, objectivity, and so on, ignoring experiences, values, ethics, and nature of women.  By adopting reasonable standards, it ignores the discrimination, handicaps, and discrimination women can face even before they are born. Radical feminism frequently supports drastic legal reform, not to attain equality under the current legal framework rather to overthrow and rebuild it.  The premise radical feminism puts forth is that their should be a new inclusive legal system that is not based on the current patriarchal system that has developed over countless of years of male dominance. Its utility lies in deconstruction of formal laws and its institutions – both at domestic and international level (which will be explored at the end in light of more clear examples). 

Nevertheless, radical feminist ideology has come under fire for portraying women solely in light the of victimhood and for being deterministic in nature, following patterns of Marxist dialectical materialism and determinism.  Its skepticism about legislation as a means of liberation may also restrict realistic opportunities for reform. However, it continues to have an impact on feminist legal thought, particularly in regards to topics like sexual assault, reproductive liberty etc. The basic conception of equality has been challenged philosophically by postmodernism along with queer feminism academics. For instance, Menon challenges the idea that gender classifications remain constant, contending that gender is a social construct.  He argues that politics that are centred around predetermined identities (e.g. “women”) run the risk of alienating those who do not fall into these classifications.  The legal quest for equality, which is predicated on the dichotomy between two genders, reinforces the exact hierarchies and inequalities that it aims to eliminate. likewise, queer legal scholars contend that legislation's emphasis on fixed identification classifications ignores how human subjectivity is flexible and multifaceted. 

Since they maintain that equality is a component of a liberal justice system that minimizes diversity, these scholars frequently disregard equality as an objective entirely.  Rather, they support plurality, acknowledgment, and the dismantling of the legal frameworks that uphold oppression built on identity.  These criticisms are criticized since they are not practically viable and even if they highlight significant loopholes in the feministic legal theories. Reforming the legal system may be challenging if stable classifications are rejected since legislation frequently calls for defining classes and harm.  Furthermore, opposition claim that theoretical dismantling cannot replace the pressing need for tangible equality that marginalized populations still have in areas like healthcare, housing, and jobs. 

True equality is the primary objective of liberal feminism, which is the oldest and most important school of feminism. irrespective of gender as well, formal equality requires that everyone is to receive treatment equally by the legislation. Any piece of legislation that can be considered as biased towards any gender will be considered as discriminatory in nature until it a necessity can be established. According liberal feminism, gender disparity occurs when neutral rules are not applied fairly to the two genders. Equality advocates – represented by liberal feminists - contend that legislation need to be gender-inclusive.  Fairness is said to ensue when everyone is treated with equality under the rule of law. This method has produced notable successes in fields including political engagement, education, and working life. Women ought to enjoy identical legal rights and obligations as men in order to achieve equality. 

Nonetheless, opposition contend that since legal equality treats unequal objects as though each of them were identical, it is fundamentally constrained.  Academics of radical feminism like MacKinnon maintains that equality assumes a masculine standard and then demands that women be evaluated in accordance with it which is inherently discriminatory.  “Equality under law is not equality under life,” as MacKinnon succinctly stated.  Therefore, since the legislation ignores structural sexism and underlying inequality, whilst women qualify as equal under the legislation, the results could maintain injustice. There are overlaps between the said schools of thought. By law of average, the legal theory of feminism today has developed to incorporate ‘substantive equality’ which seeks to attain an equality of outcome instead of just equality of treatment . This type of equality acknowledges that treating unequal people the same way frequently leads to disparities being maintained. Consequently, positive measures ought to be taken by legislation in order to alleviate systemic, social, and financial disparities. 

In this regard, policies like quotas for each gender, diversity initiatives, and positive duties and obligations on workplaces to avoid prejudice are examples of substantive equality . It can additionally be seen in court decision making processes, for instance acknowledging that bias against pregnant women is particularly harmful and ought to be considered a type of discrimination based on gender.  In several legal systems, substantive equality has been established by the law. For example, substantive equality is expressly guaranteed by the South African Constitution, while UK’s Equality Act 2010, requires government departments to help encourage equality and take affirmative action. The Bar Standards Board and Solicitors Regulatory Authority every year publish reports highlighting increase of women and minorities representation in judiciary, legal profession, and so on.  This is done in backdrop of issue of privileged capture of the legal profession by old white men, trained at prestigious English universities.

However, the opposing side argue if substantive equality alone is enough.  This point of view, according to radical feminists, reinforce patriarchy in the framework of law. In addition, some feminists assert that the term “woman” itself is problematic and exclusive, especially among modernist along with queer academics. According to them, pursuing equality assumes a predetermined identity that ignores the overlapping nature and flexibility of gender identity. The objective ought to be to modify legal norms to acknowledge and recognize female distinctions rather than to treat them equally to males.  Substantive equality can be achieved when legislation caters to the distinct nature and abilities of women rather than just equalising them with mean because the premise is not the same. Feminist views on employment rules, sexual harassment legislation, and family law have been impacted by this strategy.  Women's distinct experiences of subjugation are handled meticulously by legislation that acknowledge the suffering caused by sexual assault and domestic abuse, for instance, and seek legal relief that are not predicated on male standards. 

Gender or cultural feminists, like Gillan and West,  contend that female unique experiences and beliefs are undermined when equality is sought on grounds when the fundamental framework is predicated on patriarchy. Moreover, Gilligan attacks the premise that ethical growth and rationality ought to be assessed by typically masculine attributes that involve fairness and freedom, as instead of compassion and obligation.  In a similar vein, Robin West contends that legislation places more emphasis on independence and conceptualization than on relationships and fragility as both of which are crucial to female realities. However, it has been said that gendered feminist thought simplifies femininity, perpetuates binary standards of gender, and ignores the lived female experiences of different races, LGBTQ+ people, and other people whose gender identities defy conventional notions of femininity.  Such methods are criticized by Crenshaw's idea of intersectionality for failing to recognize the ways in which gender intersects with ethnicity, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, and disabilities to create distinct kinds of injustice.  Equality, according to intersectional feminism, is not the primary objective until it is interpreted in a comprehensive and multifaceted manner.

However, there are many shortcomings in substantive equality that radical feminist thought has sought to highlight, which liberal and cultural feminists do not accurately or comprehensively capture. There is significant evidence that overall economic or ‘human development’ may be achieved at cost of rights, agency, representation, and other forms of substantive equalities. This can happen at household, work, national, and international level.  At international level, the ‘women, peace, security’ (‘WPS’) agenda is about redressing long-standing under-representation of women in security and peace institutions under international law.  During and post-conflict decisions made by institutions such as the UNSC often exclude women. In households, formal legal equality is no guarantee that cultural and social norms will not commit violence against women – physical, mental, or economic. For instance, a working woman’s wages may be captured by male members. Resource allocation may be directed towards male members, including male boys. Advanced technologies, such as medical science that enables one to know gender of unborn baby, can be exploited to abort female fetus.  On birth, female child may not be given same food, education, and treatment as male child. At work, the issue of gender pay gap, gender representation board seats (a position of power), harassment, exploitation, work-life balance, unpaid child care and domestic work, and so on continue to raise serious doubts on ability of corporate governance, employment, and family laws.  Human development index therefore may not show gendered perspective accurately.

In conclusion, a fundamental goal of various schools of feminist ideologies remains and continues to be equality. It has given legislative changes the vocabulary and structure they need to enhance the civil rights of women and combat long-standing prejudice. It is not, nonetheless, the final goal of feminism in a rigid or exclusive sense. In the end, feminism aims to challenge and alter the systems, classifications, and standards that the legal system upholds in addition to achieving women's equality under the rule of law. feminist thought has shown how formal equality of law is no guarantee of equal protection. Structural, patriarchal, implicit, and power inequities continue to marginalise, exclude, under-represent, and exploit women. This is true for developed jurisdictions, as much as developing countries. Even in households where women are breadwinner, their income, agency, and autonomy may be captured by male members. There are strong cultural, patriarchal, and social norms that exploit economic development and technology to exclude women. Technology can be used to perpetrate female infanticide. Female girls are often not given same nourishment, education, and resource allocation as male boys. Women continue to be seen as enablers of men. Even in developed economies, the issues of gender pay gaps persist. Women are not represented equally in board positions, judiciary, legal practice, politics, and so on. These factors continue to use of legal standards – under the garb of ‘reasonable standards’ and rational and objective thought – to ignore peculiar needs, psychology, ethics, and viewpoint of women.
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